By Jamil Hasanli The Sovietization of Azerbaijan is a political history of the occupation of the sovereign ... The book, however, offers more than that –it provides an elaborate history of the Sovietization of Georgia and Armenia, ...
Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
Category: Political Science
After the dismemberment of the Ottoman State, even though it lost a huge territory, Turkey chose not to pursue an irredentist foreign policy, and although it was a continuation of the Ottoman State, it did not want to maintain the Ottoman heritage. Instead the Republic of Turkey preferred to follow a pro status quo and a comprehensive Westernist foreign policy orientation. When the Soviet Union threatened Turkey in the wake of the Second World War, Turkey needed to officially be part of the Western world. Therefore, it had to accept the subordination to the liberal Western world and a dependent relationship with the United States due to the requirements of the bipolar world system. In spite of the vertical nature of this relationship, both sides benefitted from this strong and sustainable alliance relationship. On the one hand, the Western alliance provided security against the Soviet threat, military and economic support, and political advantages to Turkey. On the other hand, the Western countries gained a great deal from Turkey, who served as the most important NATO ally in the southeastern European front and hosted military air bases against threats coming from the east. Even after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, Turkey continued to be a strategic ally of the West. However, after the changes in the global balance of power, the weakening of the American leadership, and the more assertive and competitive foreign policies of other global powers such as Russia and China, Turkey has decided to search for greater autonomy in its region. Furthermore, the Western states’ policies, especially those of the U.S., have forced Turkey to follow a more independent foreign policy in order to be able to counter the increasing political instability in its regions. More specifically, the Western countries have preferred to collaborate with some anti-Turkish regional actors that threaten Turkey’s national security. Especially after the Western support for the Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETÖ) and the Syrian branch of PKK (YPG/PYD), both of which are considered as terrorist organizations by Turkey, the credibility of the Western countries has decreased dramatically in Turkey, leaving no other possible choice than questing for a more autonomous foreign policy. Thus, Turkey has begun to take necessary measures to search for a new and high-level status in the international system. Among others, Turkey has diversified its foreign economic relations and increased its material capacity. To this end, Turkey has begun to develop an Ankara-centered foreign policy and to oppose any developments that are detrimental to its national security. Turkey is still determined to maintain its alliance with the Western countries, but demands to revise the relationship, which became anachronic in the light of developments at a regional and global level. In its search for alternative partners and an independent foreign policy, Turkey has improved its relations with Russia, the main alternative challenger and balancer against the Western/American hegemony. For instance, when the Turkish offer to buy Patriots was rejected by the U.S government, Ankara reached a deal with Russia to buy S-400 missile defense systems. For many years now, Turkey has been asking for a comprehensive reformation in the international system and for a more inclusive approach in which multilateral international platforms such as the United Nations play a bigger role. Furthermore, since the July 15, 2016 coup attempt, the power of the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) was consolidated. Three successful operations (Operation Euphrates Shield, Operation Olive Branch, and Operation Peace Spring) were undertaken in northern and northeastern Syria and as a result Turkey has strengthened its position in the Syrian conflict and prevented the projections of other actors involved in the crisis, thus indicating that it is a game changer in the region. Moreover, Turkey has recently initiated the Operation Claw in Northern Iraq against the PKK and has sent two drilling ships (Fatih and Yavuz) and one seismic ship (Barbaros) to the Eastern Mediterranean. In short, when forced, Turkey will be able to take unilateral measures to find solutions for the crises it may face in the future. Notwithstanding these developments, in principle, Turkey never questioned its longtime relations with the West. However, despite its membership of Western regional organizations like NATO, relationship with the Council of Europe and its EU membership process, the Western perception of Turkey has been extremely negative, and Western countries continue to take measures against Ankara. Fearing a loss control over Turkey, the Western powers have been trying to prevent Turkey’s quest for autonomy and punish any step taken in this regard. Furthermore, they have attempted to create an anti-Turkish regional bloc to contain Turkey’s regional effectiveness, i.e. the most recent rapprochement between Israel, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Egypt. Lastly, Western countries consistently support anti-Turkish forces in the region, including terrorist groups. It should also be noted that, at a time of multi-dimensional and multi-layered global threats and challenges, there is a high level of interdependency between Turkey and its NATO allies. European defense still starts from Turkey, especially when it comes to international terrorism and international migration. Therefore, it is very difficult to initiate a paradigm shift in Turkish-West relations. The only way for both sides to overcome the conflictual issues is to accept the new realities and to redefine the alliance relations. On the one hand, the Western countries should accept the new role that Turkey is determined to play in its regions and take the Turkish security concerns into attention. On the other hand, Turkey needs to continue its contributions to the NATO operations and to challenge the threats emanating from the Middle East, since Ankara cannot confront the regional threats by itself. This new issue of Insight Turkey showcases the emergence of Turkey as a regional power in the changing international system and aims to guide readers through the assortment of obstacles within Turkey’s foreign policy and how Turkey’s new diplomacy has navigated the nation to a whole new international arena. Turkey, in a volatile region, has plumbed the depths of autonomy in its foreign policy for the last decade and this has resulted in trouble with Turkey’s strategic and NATO ally, the United States. Ali Balcı’s commentary elucidates the quest of Turkey’s autonomy in the Middle East, where the collaboration with Russia and Iran consolidates its quest. Considering Turkey’s partnership with different actors for more autonomy, Balcı elaborates that the interests of Turkey and the U.S. are clashing in a region, where Turkey is a subordinate actor. The Syrian civil war has been a cardinal phenomenon having defined Turkey’s relationships with its NATO ally, the U.S., and its neighbor and successor of the Soviet Union, Russia. William Hale canonically expounds how the U.S. has condoned Turkey’s security concerns, thereby allowing Turkey to work with Russia in order to ward off the eminent threats emerging from Syria such as ISIS and YPG/PKK. Furthermore, this commentary suggests the tense relationship between Turkey and the U.S. not be taken at face value. As mentioned early, Turkey has been asking for a comprehensive reformation in the international system. The famous motto: “The world is bigger than five,” made famous by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan highlights the increasing need to reform the international system in favor of justice and fair representation for all members of the UN. The lack of social, economic, or humanitarian elements practiced within global governance continues to divide nations between the ‘center’ and ‘periphery.’ Berdal Aral delves deeper into the meaning of this motto and how domestically this idea emerged with the AK Party’s use of morality in governance and connecting more international ties to poorer countries in Asia and Africa. President Erdoğan envisages a more just multipolar world against the damage being done from the privileged few on the Security Council, by reintroducing necessary reforms advocating for peace over power. The relationship between Russia and Turkey has been steadily improving since the fall of the Soviet Union. As cooperation continues to increase, a few hard internal and external challenges have tested whether the relationship between these two great powers can persevere over differing interests. The military-strategic threats these countries face is the main driving force maneuvering these two nations’ relationships. The greatest of these came in 2015 with the downing of the Russian SU-24 bomber aircraft over its violations of Turkish airspace, this example alone caused geopolitical escalations that were crucial to resolve diplomatically. Resolution has been found with partnership in Syria and over arms trade as Turkey sees Russia as a path of diversification away from the West. In this regard, Şener Aktürk explores the various challenges endured and the reaction Russia had to the various threats Turkey has faced in recent years. The Eastern Mediterranean has remained one of the main focus areas of international attention due to the abundant amount of gas reserves around the Levant and island of Cyprus. Lately, Turkey has made sure to show its presence in the region at a time when energy security here has been an increasing issue as global actors compete over resources in the area. Mehmet Efe Biresselioglu discusses Turkey’s position in the contested energy-rich region as it continues to secure its interests in North Cyprus and diversify its own energy. As Turkey maximizes its energy potential, the reactions from surrounding states and the EU has hindered any sense of fair resolution to all regional parties. The unresolved dispute over Cyprus and respect for territorial sovereignty continues to be an ongoing dilemma that can see constructive progress made if Turkey is seen as a strategic partner, and not a part of the problem. The Turkish Lira suffered one of its most severe economic shocks in 2018, sending waves of uncertainty of Turkey’s economic potential worldwide. Among speculation as to what factors inhibit economic shocks on the Turkish market, Nurullah Gür, Mevlüt Tatlıyer, and Şerif Dilek address the view that geopolitical issues and slowed down reform measures are the main culprits to the depreciation. With the decline of the currency against the dollar, the Turkish government swiftly set to decrease the inflation rate and instill real sector reforms with a developmentalist approach to remedy the situation. Turkey continues to develop financial alternatives with reducing reliance on imports and growing in the export market, learning to safeguard against economic shocks has been a testing ground for the Turkish economy in recent years. Murat Ülgül introduces the importance of personal diplomacy, and how it is an effective tool in the modern world, thus making it no surprise that it has increased in practice within Turkey. Ülgül contends that personal diplomacy explains Turkey’s foreign policy better as it is most effective in crisis periods, when there is dominant leadership, and when the political leader is confident about his/her ability to shape policies, all of which are applicable in Turkey. Turkish judiciary faced its biggest crisis on the night of July 15, 2016 during the coup attempt organized by FETÖ members who wanted to bring down the democratically elected government. They, however, did not succeed owing to the sturdy resistance of prosecutors and judges who were determined to uphold the rule of law against the coup-plotters. A prominent lawyer, Hüseyin Aydın, clarifies how the Turkish judiciary has even-handedly conducted the prosecution process since the night of July 15. Convulsed by unrest, Iran has returned to the center of the world’s attention. Farhad Rezaei explores Iran’s aim towards increasing their militarization, as a means of survival even at the cost of destabilizing its regional neighbors, and international discomfort. Dividing Iran’s military doctrine between ideological-political and military-technological, Iran propagates its own notion as an Islamic protectorate and compensates for its military shortcomings, like its relatively weak air force, by bolstering its ballistic sector. To measure Iran’s military-technology by taking inventory of Iran’s military weaponry shows that they are at a disadvantage in the international realm. Therefore, they frequently resort to asymmetrical warfare with the use of proxy groups and cyberwarfare, where they have found limited success. While Iran is likely to continue to develop its weaponry, it is disadvantaged by richer neighbors partnered with America, economic sanctions, and the fact that its intentions on growth are seen more as a threat than domestic development. The last piece of this issue brings attention to the Kashmir Crisis –a simmering conflict– which has long been glossed over by many countries and international organizations yet, it has to be addressed due to the human rights violations in the region. The Public Safety Act, which is a preventive detention law and required to comply with the international law, is used as a political tool to realize the objectives of authorities rather than its advocated primary aim of detaining people. Mohmad Aabit Bhat sheds a light on the covert intentions of the law, which has been “enforced” in the disputed territory of Jammu and Kashmir, with a discursive approach. These past years have been a challenging test for Turkish diplomacy, as fluctuating relationships and conflicting interests have been at the foreground, whether it’s in the warzone of Syria or on the international stage at the UN. Insight Turkey’s last issue for 2019 “Turkey’s New Foreign Policy: A Quest for Autonomy” analyses how Turkey with great stamina has proven that it is a strong cooperative player and balancer between the polarities of the world, as a voice for the oppressed and a pillar of strength among the dominant forces in the world.
Instead it included three Southern Caucasian states, namely Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. ... In May 2005 during the EU-Russia Summit, the partners agreed 'road maps'establishing four 'common spaces' of cooperation, which meant deep ...
Author: Bogdana Depo
Publisher: Nomos Verlag
Category: Political Science
"Goliath versus Goliath" ist eine treffende Beschreibung der gegenläufigen Bemühungen der EU und Russlands, ihre jeweiligen Ziele in ihrer gemeinsamen Nachbarschaft zu fördern. Die Demokratisierung der EU und die alternative Agenda Russlands in dieser Region werden mit Hilfe einer realistischen Machtgleichgewichtsthese verglichen. Die Politik und die Strategien der EU und Russlands sind in normative, wirtschaftliche und militärische Dimensionen unterteilt. Die Autorin fragt nach den Gründen für den mangelnden Erfolg der Demokratisierungsagenda der EU in den Ländern der Östlichen Partnerschaft (Armenien, Aserbaidschan, Weißrussland, Georgien, Moldawien und der Ukraine) zwischen 1991 bis 2016.
Three major roads cross the Great Caucasus to provide a link with Russia— the Georgian Military Highway links Tbilisi to Vladikavkaz, another highway links ... Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Turkey are linked to Georgia by numerous roads.
Author: Michael Spilling
Publisher: Cavendish Square Publishing, LLC
Category: Juvenile Nonfiction
Georgians enjoy life in proximity to mountains and the curative properties of the Black. Exploring the strong presence of song, dance, and other cultural influences, this book brings Georgia into great focus. This volume explains the geography and people of Georgia, and is an excellent resource for anyone interested in learning more about this former Soviet republic.
However, there was no reciprocal mentioning of georgia in the EU-Russia Road Map for the Common Space on External Security. ... This alluded to the relations with Azerbaijan and Turkey, which have kept their borders closed with Armenia ...
Author: Syuzanna Vasilyan
Category: Political Science
This book devises a new conceptual framework of ‘moral power’ and applies it to the policy of the European Union (EU) towards the South Caucasian states of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. It covers the period starting from the 1990s to the present and analyses policy domains (democracy promotion, conflict resolution, security, energy, trade) juxtaposing the policy of EU/member states with those of the United States (US), Russia, Turkey, Iran, as well as inter-governmental and regional organizations. ‘Morality’ is unpacked as composed of seven parameters: consequentialism; coherence; consistency; normative steadiness; balance between values and interests; inclusiveness; and external legitimacy. ‘Power’ is branched into ‘potential’, ‘actual’ and ‘actualized’ types. ‘Moral power’ is consequently developed as an objective and neutral framework to capture the foreign policy of an international actor in any geographic area and policy sphere. The book will be useful for students and scholars of International Relations and EU Studies, policy-makers and practitioners.
... for the Central Asia and South Caucasus (CASC) region, encompassing Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, ... a road map, whereby specific actions are identified for completion by various dates between 2016 and 2030.
Author: Katja L. H. Samuel
Publisher: Cambridge University Press
The number, intensity, and impact of diverse forms of 'natural' and 'human-made' disasters are increasing. In response, the international community has shifted its primary focus away from disaster response to prevention and improved preparedness. The current globally agreed upon roadmap is the ambitious Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015–2030, central to which is the better understanding of disaster risk management and mitigation. Sendai also urges innovative implementation, especially multi-sectoral and multi-hazard coherence. Yet the law sector itself remains relatively under-developed, including a paucity of supporting 'DRR law' scholarship and minimal cross-sectoral engagement. Commonly, this is attributable to limited understanding by other sectors about law's dynamic potential as a tool of disaster risk mitigation, despite the availability of many risk-related norms across a broad spectrum of legal regimes. This unique, timely Handbook brings together global and multi-sector perspectives on one of the most pressing policy issues of our time.
The Identity of the Local Communities of Eastern Anatolia, South Caucasus and Periphery During the Late Bronze and ... that form the South Caucasus Armenia and its provinces Geological map of Armenia Nakhichevan and Azerbaijan Georgia ...
Author: Guido Guarducci
Publisher: Oxbow Books
This study analyses the social and symbolic value of the material culture, in particular the pottery production and the architecture, and the social structure of the local communities of a broad area encompassing Eastern Anatolia, the South Caucasus and North-western Iran during the last phase of the Late Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age. This broad area is known from the Assyrian texts as ‘Nairi lands’. The second part of the study, furnishes a reassessment of pottery production characteristics and theories, as well as of the socio-economic structure and issues, tied to the sedentary and mobile local communities of the Nairi lands. The study brings into focus the characteristics, the extension and the distribution of Grooved pottery, along with other pottery typologies, by providing an accompanying online catalogue with detailed descriptions and high-resolution images of the pots and sherds obtained from public and private institutions in Turkey and Armenia. Moreover, the socio-political organisation and subsistence economy issues are addressed in order to advance a possible reconstruction of the social structure of the Nairi lands communities. Particular attention is devoted to the pastoral nomad component and the role played within the Nairi phenomenon. The study includes a very large corpus of text images and high-resolution color images of the pottery of the area under examination, gathered by the author in order to offer a reliable tool and compendium.
31.5 Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Iran, Moldova, Romania, Turkey, Ukraine, ... Source: ITF (2019), “Enhancing Connectivity and Freight in Central Asia”, International Transport Forum Policy ...
Publisher: OECD Publishing
This report analyses planned infrastructure projects, decision-making frameworks related to infrastructure development and strategic planning documents in eight countries in Central Asia and the Caucasus: Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Mongolia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan.
Author: Van‘t Wout, T., Celikyilmaz, G., Arguello, C.Publish On: 2021-12-21
CAUCASUS Substantial progress has been achieved in the Caucasus during ... Climate Plan (NECP) (to be finalised in 2021) Sources: Armenia's First NDC; Azerbaijan's First NDC;: Georgia's First NDC. Country NDC mitigation target Emissions ...
Author: Van‘t Wout, T., Celikyilmaz, G., Arguello, C.
Publisher: Food & Agriculture Org.
This publication has the objective of providing a comprehensive analysis of the key trends in greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and vulnerability to climate change in the Europe and Central Asia (ECA) region, compiling the most relevant efforts and progress reported by countries in the implementation of mitigation and adaptation goals and measures in recent years. Considering the areas of the FAO mandate, this document aims to provide information with relevance for the agricultural, and land use, land-use change, and forestry (LULUCF) sectors as key contributors to country gross domestic product (GDP) and one of the most vulnerable areas of economic activity to the impacts of climate change. This policy analysis report consists of three main sections that consider the levels of economic development, as well as diverse geopolitical contexts, in the region. To reflect this diversity of country realities, the information is structured and presented by sub-regions, including the Caucasus, Central Asia, (European part of) the Commonwealth of the Independent States and Ukraine 2 (hereinafter referred to as CIS), EU27+UK, 3 European Free Trade Association (EFTA), and Southeastern Europe (SEE).
Azerbaijan can strengthen its transit potential ; Armenia has the chance to become a new transit player connecting Iran ... With these in mind , Georgia could definitely become the center of economic cooperation in the South Caucasus ...
Author: Mher D Sahakyan
Category: Political Science
This book facilitates exchanges between scholars and researchers from around the world on China-Eurasia relations. Comparing perspectives and methodologies, it promotes interdisciplinary dialogue on China’s pivot towards Eurasia, the Belt and Road initiative, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Beijing’s cooperation and arguments with India, the EU, Western Balkans and South Caucasus states and the Sino-Russian struggle for multipolarity and multilateralism in Eurasia. It also researches digitalization processes in Eurasia, notably it focuses on China's Silk Road and Digital Agenda of Eurasian Economic Union. Multipolarity without multilateralism is a dangerous mix. Great power competitions will remain. In the Asian regional system more multilateral cushions have to be developed. Scholars from different nations including China, India, Russia, Austria, Armenia, Georgia, United Arab Emirates and Montenegro introduce their own, independent research, making recommendations on the developments in China-Eurasia relations, and demonstrating that through joint discussions it is possible to find ways for cooperation and for ensuring peaceful coexistence. The book will appeal to policymakers and scholars and students in Chinese, Eurasian, International and Oriental Studies.
Author: Food and Agriculture Organization of the United NationsPublish On: 2019-11-01
... for Central Asian and Caucasus Region Countries 2nd High Level Training and Experience Sharing on Globally Important ... Thailand, Viet Nam andZambia (10) Azerbaijan, Armenia, Bangladesh, Cambodia, Georgia, Guinea-Bissau, Indonesia, ...
Author: Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations
Publisher: Food & Agriculture Org.
Category: Business & Economics
The People’s Republic of China (China) has been one of FAO’s main partners in the promotion of South-South and triangular cooperation. In terms of cooperation among developing countries, China upholds the principles of equality and mutual trust, building equal partnerships with parity of ownership and responsibility, mutual benefit and win–win cooperation, which are highly valued by FAO. Together, FAO and China offer considerable development knowledge and solutions that are relevant to South-South exchanges. After more than two decades of increasing collaboration in supporting flows of technical assistance between developing countries, FAO and China established in 2009 the FAO-China South-South Cooperation Programme, supported by a Chinese Trust Fund of USD 80 million. This report reviews the Programme’s activities and achievements over the last ten years, lessons learned and prospects for the way forward. It highlights and illustrates the Programme’s distinctive features, particularly its inspiring, inclusive and innovative modalities of cooperation. Its multi-stakeholder approach brings together farmers’ cooperatives and associations, the private sector, academia and triangular partners, among other key actors. In this context, the Programme provides a platform for insights and perspectives of all development actors through its national, regional, interregional and global projects focusing on sustainable agricultural production, productivity and farmers’ livelihoods. The Programme is majorly contributing to the realization of Sustainable Development Goal 1: No poverty in all its forms everywhere; and Sustainable Development Goal 2: Zero hunger, achieve food security and improved nutrition and promote sustainable agriculture.